Using secondary data analysis of 3 separate trauma-informed treatment programs for women offenders, we examine outcomes between those who received both prison and community-based substance abuse treatment (i.e., continuing care; = 85) and those who received prison or community aftercare treatment ( = 108). We further account for differences in trauma exposure to examine whether continuing care moderates this effect on substance use, psychiatric severity, and self-efficacy outcomes at follow-up. The main effect models of continuing care showed a significant association with high psychiatric status and did not yield significant associations with substance use or self-efficacy. However, the interaction between trauma history and continuing care showed significant effects on all 3 outcomes. Findings support the importance of a continuing care treatment model for women offenders exposed to multiple forms of traumatic events, and provide evidence of the effectiveness of integrating trauma-informed treatment into women's substance abuse treatment.

For women involved in sex trading, both alcohol problems and passage through the criminal justice system are highly prevalent. This study is the first to conduct a focused examination of factors associated with sex trading among hazardously drinking, pretrial, jailed women. Cocaine use, social support for alcohol abstinence, and more days incarcerated in the 90 days leading up to the index incarceration were significantly associated with sex trading involvement among alcoholic women. Helping incarcerated alcoholic women reduce cocaine use and improve sober support networks during and following an incarceration may minimize sex trading after release.

Incarceration and community reentry for rural women reflect gendered processes. We draw upon in-depth semi-structured interviews and focus groups to examine the return of women prisoners to underserved rural communities, while attending to the perspectives of their closest social supporters. Our findings underscore the complexity of the reentry process for rural women and its particular impact on their families. We challenge dominant discourses of personal responsibility that detract from the structura violence and injustice shaping reentry experiences for women and their social supporters. We also consider the policy implications of discharge and reentry planning for rural women and their families, as well as strategies to reduce recidivism.

The current study examines protective factors for women who transition from county jails to rural Appalachian communities, areas with limited health and behavioral health services. The study included drug-using women recruited from three jails in rural Appalachia and were followed 12-months post-release. Analyses focused on differences between women who remained in the community and those who returned to custody, as well as a multivariate model to determine protective factors for re-entry success. At the bivariate level, staying out of jail was associated with being older, having a job, not using drugs, stable housing, receiving health treatment, and having prosocial peers. In the multivariate model, the most robust predictors of staying out of jail were drug use abstinence, health care utilization, and prosocial peers. Most research on criminogenic needs associated with re-entry success have focused on men, and most focused on re-entry to urban communities where services and resources are more accessible. These findings have important implications for criminal justice systems to implement re-entry programs for women offenders during the transition to the community.

Incarcerated women frequently report initiation of substance use and sexual encounters at an early age, and often engage in high-risk drug use and sexual behaviors as adults. This study examined the timing of first sex, drug use, and arrest, as well as their unique influences on specific risky behaviors in adulthood, among a high-risk population of rural women recruited from jails. Ages of initiation were all positively and significantly correlated, and each independently increased the likelihood of several risky behaviors in adulthood. Implications are discussed for screening, intervention, and treatment targeting high-risk women and girls in rural areas, particularly within criminal justice settings.

This study examined effects of having a minor child(ren) on the probability of being prosecuted, convicted, and if convicted, the sanctions that were imposed. Data were state-wide court and birth records of criminally-charged women in North Carolina, a state with sentencing guidelines. We hypothesized that (a) prosecutors would be less likely to prosecute and more likely to lower an offense class and (b) judges (when they had discretion) would be more lenient for women in sentencing with minor children than without. Having a minor child(ren) reduced the probability of prosecution; given prosecution, conviction rates fell. When the judge had discretion, having minor children reduced the probability of an active sentence. Having a minor child had no effect on minimum sentence length for women with active sentences. Presence of a minor child affects prosecutorial and judicial decisions affecting women charged with a criminal offense.

Civic engagement, like the broader phenomenon of social engagement, seems out of keeping with the alienating ethos of incarceration. We sought to learn which demographic and contextual factors predicted one form of civic engagement, voter registration, in a jail-incarcerated female population. A 158-item survey was administered to 261 adult women incarcerated in three Midwestern jails, September 2014 to March 2016, as part of a parent intervention study for cervical cancer prevention. Chi-square comparisons between a voter registered and a non-registered group yielded significant differences in five demographic and social context indicators, and a model for voter registration was estimated using multiple logistic regression. Total time incarcerated, having personal health insurance, being stably housed, and identifying as a Black woman contributed significantly to voter registration. We suggest that in a justice-involved group the community's facilitation of access to basic resources may trigger a reciprocal engagement in civic life, and we speculate that Black women may find belonging and motivation for engagement in resilient, long-standing sources outside official institutions. Our findings support the notion that meeting the basic needs of individuals post-incarceration can create healthier, more engaged communities.

Safekeeping involves transferring individuals from jails to prisons without the presence of a conviction. In North Carolina, safekeeping is used for pregnant people with the aim of providing better prenatal care. We interviewed 14 stakeholders in the safekeeping process including sheriffs, clinicians, advocates, and lawyers. Three key themes emerged: jails' inability to provide care for pregnant individuals; safekeeping as an additional punishment to incarceration; and differing attitudes on the necessity of safekeeping. Participants perceived that while there may be some benefits of safekeeping such as enhanced prenatal care, safekeeping can also lead to worsened conditions for pregnant people experiencing incarceration.

Each year, approximately 55,000 pregnant people are incarcerated in US jails. To learn about pregnancy and postpartum care in jails, we analyzed 34 qualitative interviews with jail personnel from facilities in five Southeastern US states. Themes included jail processes unique to pregnancy and burden on jails produced by liability and limited resources. Societal attitudes such as stigma, distrust of pregnant people, and a focus on fetal well-being were also important themes. Jail-community partnerships may mitigate the effects of scarce resources and improve jail perinatal care. Better community safety nets that decrease contact with jails are needed to improve pregnancy outcomes.

Sexual assaults involving victim substance use at the time of the assault are common, but little is known about how different types of substances used at the time of the assault impact post-assault outcomes. The current study sought to compare victim alcohol use, drug use, and combined substance use in sexual assaults among a community sample of 693 victims. It was hypothesized that victims in the combined substance use assault type would report overall worse post-assault outcomes, more contextual and interpersonal traumas, and higher assault severity. Our results partially confirmed these hypotheses, but victims in the drug-involved assault type group overall reported higher assault severity and worse post-assault outcomes. These findings are probably partially attributed to the demographic characteristics of victims in the drug-only group (e.g. Black victims) who are more likely to experience a higher severity of violence. Implications for future research and policy regarding drug decriminalization are discussed.

Adverse childhood experiences and workplace trauma exposure are associated with poor health. However, their differential impacts by gender are difficult to assess in studies of organizations with gender imbalances (e.g., law enforcement officers are more likely men whereas social workers are more likely women). Using a community-based participatory research framework, this study examines trauma exposure, mental and physical health, and substance use in an occupationally diverse sample ( = 391). Trauma exposure was high and associated with poor health. Even though women experienced more adversity, they were often more resilient than men. Implications for trauma-informed workplaces are discussed.