Young Latina women (YLW) in Alabama are disproportionately affected by sexual health disparities. However, to access needed reproductive services, YLW must navigate a healthcare landscape that restricts access for youth. YLW also face racialized immigration enforcement in their communities which is designed to attrition the region's emergent Latina/o/x immigrant population. This paper describes the intersectional, structural forces that contribute to experienced systemic violence for YLW as they try to access sexual healthcare services. In 2017, we conducted semi-structured qualitative interviews with 20 YLW and 24 key stakeholders (parents, providers, Latino/a/x community leaders etc.) in West Alabama to examine attitudes and perceptions about sexual health and healthcare access (HCA) among YLW in the region. We used purposeful convenience sampling and snowballing to recruit a community-based sample. That is, we purposefully recruited YLW, adjusting through the recruitment period for a diverse sample, who represented the various voices that we were trying to capture in the study (i.e., younger and older adolescents, adolescents born in the U.S. and those born in other countries etc.). Through a focus on YLW's access to sexual/reproductive healthcare, we conclude that YLW experience systemic violence and resulting precarity because laws and health policies restrict access to evidence-based sexual health education and reproductive healthcare services. We discuss implications for future research and policy recommendations.

Magical ideation refers to beliefs about causality that lack empirical bases. Few studies have investigated the neural correlates of magical thinking and religious beliefs. Here, we investigate the association between magical ideation and religious experience in a sample of Vietnam veterans who sustained penetrating traumatic brain injury (pTBI) and matched healthy controls (HCs). Scores on the Magical Ideation Scale were positively correlated with scores on the Religious Experience Scale, but only in pTBI patients. Lesion mapping analyses in subgroups of pTBI patients indicated that prefrontal cortex (PFC) lesions were associated with increased magical ideation scores and this relationship was mediated by religious experience. Our findings clarify the mechanism by which the frontal lobe processes modulate magical beliefs. Suppression of the PFC opens people to religious experiences, which in turn increases magical ideation.

The current study examines Americans' psychological responses to Osama bin Laden's death. We tracked changes in how different participants responded to dissimilar others from the night of bin Laden's death for five weeks. Liberal participants reported lower worldview defense (i.e., a defensive reaction to uphold one's cultural worldview) immediately after bin Laden's death but then returned to similar levels as their conservative counterparts over time. Conservative participants reported greater worldview defense during each point of the study and did not significantly change over time. These temporal differences between liberals and conservatives were only present in the year of bin Laden's death and not one year prior before. The current findings demonstrate that liberals and conservatives may react differently after major societal events in predictable ways considering their moral foundations.

Preventing involuntary conscription and voluntary recruitment of youth into armed groups are global human rights priorities. Pathways for self-reported voluntary recruitment and the impact of voluntary recruitment on mental health have received limited attention. The objective of this study was to identify risk factors for voluntarily joining armed groups, as well as the association of conscription status and mental health. In Nepal, interviews were conducted with 258 former child soldiers who participated in a communist (Maoist) revolution. Eighty percent of child soldiers joined 'voluntarily'. Girls were 2.07 times as likely to join voluntarily (95% CI, 1.03-4.16, =0.04). Among girls, 51% reported joining voluntarily because of personal connections to people who were members of the armed group, compared to 22% of boys. Other reasons included escaping difficult life situations (36%), inability to achieve other goals in life (28%), and an appealing philosophy of the armed group (32%). Poor economic conditions were more frequently endorsed among boys (22%) than girls (10%). Voluntary conscription was associated with decreased risk for PTSD among boys but not for girls. Interventions to prevent voluntary association with armed groups could benefit from attending to difficulties in daily life, identifying non-violent paths to achieve life goals, and challenging the political philosophy of armed groups. Among boys, addressing economic risk factors may prevent recruitment, and prevention efforts for girls will need to address personal connections to armed groups, as it has important implications for preventing recruitment through new methods, such as social media.

In Western culture, there appears to be widespread endorsement of Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (which stresses equality and freedom). But do people really apply their equality values equally, or are their principles and application systematically discrepant, resulting in equality hypocrisy? The present study, conducted with a representative national sample of adults in the United Kingdom ( = 2,895), provides the first societal test of whether people apply their value of "equality for all" similarly across multiple types of status minority (women, disabled people, people aged over 70, Blacks, Muslims, and gay people). Drawing on theories of intergroup relations and stereotyping we examined, relation to each of these groups, respondents' judgments of how important it is to satisfy their particular wishes, whether there should be greater or reduced equality of employment opportunities, and feelings of social distance. The data revealed a clear gap between general equality values and responses to these specific measures. Respondents prioritized equality more for "paternalized" groups (targets of benevolent prejudice: women, disabled, over 70) than others (Black people, Muslims, and homosexual people), demonstrating significant inconsistency. Respondents who valued equality more, or who expressed higher internal or external motivation to control prejudice, showed greater consistency in applying equality. However, even respondents who valued equality highly showed significant divergence in their responses to paternalized versus nonpaternalized groups, revealing a degree of hypocrisy. Implications for strategies to promote equality and challenge prejudice are discussed.

Going beyond the association between youth exposure to political violence and psychopathology, the current paper examines within-person change in youth strength of identity with their ethno-political group and youth reports of the insecurity in their communities. Conceptually related but growing out of different paradigms, both group identity and emotional insecurity have been examined as key variables impacting youth responses to threats from other group members. The goal of the current study is to review previous studies examining these two key variables and to contribute new analyses, modeling within-person change in both variables and examining co-variation in their growth The current paper uses data from 823 Belfast adolescents over 4 years. The results suggest youth are changing linearly over age in both constructs and that there are ethno-political group differences in how youth are changing. The results also indicate that change in insecurity is related to strength of identity at age 18, and strength of identity and emotional insecurity are related at age 18. Implications and directions for future work in the area of youth and political violence are discussed.

Many evidence-based treatments are now available for traumatized children and youth, and their families. Although these are typically based on past traumas, a large portion of these youth experience continuous traumas. Trauma-focused cognitive-behavioral therapy (TF-CBT) is an evidence-based treatment that has been used successfully with youth and families who experience ongoing traumas. Within these studies and projects, TF-CBT trainers have worked collaboratively with stakeholders, families, and service providers to develop TF-CBT strategies to best respond to populations with continuous trauma. This article highlights certain projects, presents common conceptualizations of continuous trauma, and describes four practical strategies commonly and successfully utilized with youth/families experiencing continuous trauma. Each strategy is exemplified with case studies. The addition of such strategies helped to assure safety and enhance the uptake of coping skills as traumas arise. Research suggests that even in cases of continuous traumas, youth can be treated with TF-CBT and significantly improve symptoms.

Past research on peace and conflict in Northern Ireland has focused on politically-motivated violence. However, other types of crime (i.e., nonsectarian) also impact community members. To study the changing nature of violence since the signing of the Belfast Agreement in Northern Ireland the current study used qualitative methods to distinguish between nonsectarian and sectarian antisocial behavior. Analyses were conducted using the Constant Comparative Method to illuminate thematic patterns in focus groups with Catholic and Protestant mothers from segregated Belfast neighborhoods. Participants differentiated between nonsectarian and sectarian violence; the latter was further distinguished into two dimensions - overt acts and intergroup threat. Although both nonsectarian and sectarian antisocial behavior related to insecurity, participants described pulling together and increased ingroup social cohesion in response to sectarian threats. The findings have implications for the study of violence and insecurity as experienced in the everyday lives of mothers, youth, and families in settings of protracted conflict.

This study explores distinctions in Northern Ireland between inter-community (i.e. sectarian) and intra-community (i.e. nonsectarian) violence and their respective impacts on children, and considers these forms of violence in relation to children's processes of emotional security about community conflict. Preliminary work was based on focus groups with mothers in Belfast, followed by a quantitative study involving mothers in Derry/Londonderry. Support emerged for a conceptually-based distinction between sectarian and nonsectarian violence and differential prediction of children's adjustment problems, which was more closely linked with sectarian than nonsectarian community violence. Pertinent to explanatory mechanisms, community violence, especially sectarian, related to mothers' perceptions of children's emotional insecurity about community. Findings are discussed in terms of future directions for understanding community violence and child development in cultural context.