In the 1930s, a series of bubonic plague outbreaks among humans cropped up in several villages at the border of Angola and Namibia. These outbreaks provoked deep concern, laying bare social and political tensions amongst neighboring imperial powers and Indigenous people within the region. Despite the appearance of this disease in what was then considered a recondite place, its spread sparked debate in transnational forums, such as the League of Nations and the Office International d'Hygiène Publique. Drawing upon archival records in Namibia, South Africa, Portugal, the United States, and the United Kingdom, this article argues that concerns over the spread of plague across land borders led to the development of a nascent invasive species framework which indicted border-crossing "migrant" South African gerbils for the international spread of the disease. It follows the transnational political and scientific dynamics created by the plague "invasion" and discusses how these, like the gerbils, crossed numerous borders and scales. Ultimately, this article shows how localized inter-species and inter-imperial encounters can provide empirical insights into the feasibilities of a micro-global history of science in which more-than-human actors take on an important role.

When asked why nearly all doctors refer their breech cases to surgery, despite non-surgical breech birth being permitted throughout the United States, an obstetrician will likely cite the Term Breech Trial (TBT). This study, conducted in 2000, decisively concluded that planned cesarean delivery is safer than vaginal breech delivery. However, a review of the literature suggests that the decline of vaginal breech deliveries was a long time in the making. From the 1950s, once the perceived risks of breech births were accepted as a fact, numerous studies advocated more liberal use of cesarean delivery for breech babies and suggested strategies to limit vaginal breech births. By the late 1970s, as the majority of breech patients underwent surgery, a vicious cycle of collective forgetting began. Hospitals and medical training programs abandoned the non-surgical option, leaving younger generations of unskilled doctors reluctant to perform the complex procedure. As health organizations criticized the overuse of cesarean sections in the ensuing decades, obstetricians faced a growing dilemma in breech management, continuing to perform surgeries even while questioning their benefits. The 2000 study sanctioned this existing state of practice, which had been evolving over decades and in which collective forgetting played a crucial part.

From the 1830s onward, Euro-American medicine began addressing opium addiction among the Chinese population. Drawing upon records from medical missionaries, medical journals, and related Chinese sources, this article examines the transformation of opium addiction treatment in late Qing China (1830-1910). Despite their pioneering efforts, medical missionaries encountered various challenges in gaining cooperation from patients and Chinese authorities. In contrast, Chinese medical practitioners, particularly elite scholar-physicians, enjoyed favor with the Qing government throughout much of the nineteenth century. By the turn of the twentieth century, the scientific knowledge introduced by the missionaries had gained greater acceptance in the country. By creatively translating this knowledge, Chinese medical practitioners began to recognize new theories for addressing the opium problem.

This paper provides a case study of one medical experiment conducted in 1915 by the United States Public Health Service in collaboration with the Mississippi State Penitentiary. The experiment was non-therapeutic and its objective was to induce pellagra (a vitamin deficiency disease) in twelve healthy White male prisoners to confirm its etiology. Extant archival records produced by the convict participants, state politicians, and health researchers underscore that the men selected for the pellagra experiment were unique among incarcerated people in Mississippi at the time: they were White, wealthy, and politically well-connected. This paper contends that the convict participants leveraged a wide range of social and political connections to secure their participation in the pellagra experiment as an expeditious pathway to pre-arranged executive pardon, a phenomenon that I term medical clemency. By situating the 1915 pellagra prison experiment amid the broader landscape of incarceration, public health research, and systems of political patronage in Mississippi, this paper highlights the ways in which penal systems are embedded in broader social and political contexts. Not only did the experiment exacerbate pre-existing social inequalities behind bars, it also had lasting consequences for those involved in prison medical research - namely, the power to determine which kinds of convicts could ultimately re-enter the social order.

During the late 1930s, Great Lakes fishermen became concerned because of the new occurrence of the sea lamprey (Petromyzon marinus). Originally an Atlantic coastal fish, it was allowed to migrate throughout the Great Lakes due to various canal extensions. By drawing from literature on the sociology of environmental problems and animal invasions, this article traces how the sea lamprey became problematized as a threatening invader between the late 1930s and early 1970s. Throughout this period, a broad coalition of fishery biologists, fishermen, politicians, and journalists were involved in framing the problem. Although sea lamprey research, localized control practices, and environmental discourses considerably changed, the sea lamprey continued to be regarded as an invasive fish that was not allowed to exist in the Great Lakes. The case shows how these shifting ways of understanding the problem in fact led to the continuation of past management directions.

This article explores framings of life, death, health, and invasion on an English chalk stream. It focuses on the ways in which these notions have been put to work in recent history, in relation to each other, and in relation to particular species and spaces. By 2019, narratives of a chalk stream in South-East England as a dead river expanded beyond retort to intermittent waterlessness. The river's death came to be framed as part of a wider ecology of chalk stream (ill)health, influenced by twenty-first century biodiversity conservation narratives and hauntological effects, which rendered deathly chalk stream futures present and requiring of human-action now. These narratives and effects conditioned a powerful sense of which non-human life belonged and counted, and which non-human life did not. Absent flagship chalk stream species, water voles, and efforts to resurrect them, were made synonymous with restoring the river itself to life and health. Contrarily, the ongoing presence of "invasive" American mink served as a continued reminder of the river's demise and death as a chalk stream. The resurrection of chalk streams to health relied on their being dispatched. Once considered to belong as extracted "lively capital" dominating the fur industry and later tolerated as feral escapees in the wild of the UK, American mink had been resituated and their history progressively obscured. Humans became manager-come-saviors of chalk streams, whose lost health was agreed and rendered visible through the ghostly image of the water vole that must be saved from the invasive foe, American mink.

Bringing together seven papers spanning Southern and Eastern Africa, North America, England, and India, this special issue explores the historically neglected connections between invasive species and health in the long twentieth century. Drawing upon perspectives from medical history, the history of science, environmental history, and environmental as well as medical anthropology, the papers analyze the entanglements of invasive species and zoonotic disease, food security, pesticide, crime, and ecosystem health. This introduction provides an overview of the historiography of invasive species and argues the importance of studying the historical connections between invasives and health. It also historicizes the relations between animal invasions, technoscience, power, and colonialism.

Kudzu, a perennial climbing vine and invasive species to the American South, occupied a unique space in the city of Atlanta, Georgia as a danger to public health from the late 1970s to the early 1990s. This article examines why municipal authorities understood the vine as a threat to public health. Kudzu's ability to smother surfaces allowed it to conceal murdered people and serve as a habitat for rats, snakes, and mosquitos, making it a direct threat to public safety in the eyes of public health authorities. Kudzu also grew extensively in vacant lots where city officials were trying to promote the city as progressive and prosperous. The city council voted in support of an ordinance against extensive growths of the vine, but eradication produced its own challenges: kudzu removal was expensive, and permanent eradication required large investments in time. Unhoused people also relied on the vine for shelter, which meant that eradication directly affected their safety. Examining how municipal authorities framed kudzu as a threat to public health, this article demonstrates that the vine's status as a health risk lay in how it unintentionally clashed with the promoted image of Atlanta as a business-friendly city with harmonious relationships among its citizens.

Whether referring to oceanic travel on board of ships or to movement in terra firma, framings of the "migratory rat" formed a key epidemiological component of approaches to the Third Plague Pandemic (1894-1959) as the first pandemic to be understood as caused by a zoonotic disease. In this article, I examine the emergence and development of scientific framings of the migratory rat in the first, explosive years of the third plague pandemic in India (1896-1899). Examining publications and archival sources, I ask how this animal figure came to inform and transform epidemiological reasoning. Going beyond established approaches that have shown how the rat-plague relation was mobilised by colonial doctors to pathologise Indigenous lifeways, I argue that more complex and ambivalent processes were also set in motion by this figure. First, I show how the migratory rat became invested with attributes of invasiveness that assumed ontological qualities in colonial epidemiological reasoning. Second, comparing the migratory rat with the hitherto established "staggering rat," I argue that the former embodied new approaches to both space and time in epidemiology. Third, I show how Indigenous scientists came to mobilise this complex figure to contest colonial approaches to plague.

The papers in this special issue explore the metaphorical realms that inform discourses on disruptive plants and animals. They explore how species movements in the twentieth century were framed and interpreted, and the medical, scientific, legal, and bureaucratic processes that turned a non-native or mobile species into a formally designated "invasive" one. In doing so, they allow insight into the mechanisms of disavowal, how some species were constructed as the cause of disease and ecological change, while others escaped censure.

The meningitis (or spotted fever) outbreaks (c.1904-1907) caused worldwide alarm but remain largely forgotten. This article uses these outbreaks as an invaluable case study for understanding early twentieth-century responses (individual and collective) to a mysterious, potentially deadly infection. More specifically, it focuses on the social production of fear until physicians and medical scientists devised new ways of making meningitis more manageable, with reference to a range of actors who shaped public responses and feelings. Ultimately, the article argues that initial attempts to warn and educate about meningitis usually promoted fear and avoidance, but as meningitis became more manageable, emotional responses to its outbreaks altered significantly. Emotions were constructed and experienced in the context of a new medical modernity optimistic about public health and clinical interventions. Exploring the physical and emotional in tandem takes us to the heart of societal and personal experience of disease outbreaks.

This article tells the history of the management of invasive locust swarms in southern Africa in the 1970s and early 1980s. It examines the threats the pests posed to African livelihoods and the challenges in combating them. The article argues that in the 1970s, postcolonial southern African states' attempts to manage the environment with the help of international organizations were intimately tied to the region's experiences under colonial rule, their commitment to ensure the whole region's independence, and the new realities of their dependence on international donor support. This support entrenched a reliance on techno-chemical interventions at a time when the global environmental movement against pesticides was particularly strong. Southern Africa's international collaborators ultimately ignored this global movement, and locust control in the region continued to depend on the application of organochlorines. However, faith in techno-science failed to address the social, political, and ecological conditions that allowed locusts to flourish. Consequently, the pests remained a threat.

This paper offers the first case study of Phospho-Energon - an early twentieth-century Swedish patent medicine believed to cure nervousness. Using a large dataset of newspaper advertisements, it explores how the product was presented through scientific and medical language, which drew upon a range of visual and verbal rhetoric to convince consumers of its benefits. It finds that pseudoscientific discourse focusing on self-help was regularly used to sell Phospho-Energon, with consumers warned that their nerves were "not allowed to fail" and required "protection" in order to remain healthy. Furthermore, the "science" supporting this discourse gradually shifted over time as neurosis replaced neurasthenia as a diagnostic category and the concept of spring lethargy became popularised. Overall, this study argues that Phospho-Energon stands as an important example of how partial scientific/medical claims can be used as a rhetorical device to sell products to consumers looking for a quick-fix cure for their perceived mental health conditions.

During the mid-twentieth century, the Soviet Union developed ambitious hygiene standards for clean air that were grounded in extremely sensitive methods of physiological research. As Western experts sought to develop universal standards for environmental regulation, Soviet hygiene research posed a challenge. This article examines the discussions surrounding the Soviet approach at international conferences on air pollution and industrial hygiene during the mid-twentieth century. The article shows that although the Soviet approach was rejected especially by United States experts, many of its qualities resonated with the ongoing discussions about environmental health in the US. The sensitive and holistic methods of the Soviets were compelling in the effort to reveal the most subtle effects environments had on human health. This article shows how the rejection of Soviet standards stemmed not from different scientific methods but from the differences in the overall ideals of environmental regulation. I argue that Soviet hygiene can be seen as an extreme version of technocratic expertise, and its failure highlights the limits of scientific expertise in managing environmental pollution.

The influenza pandemic of 1781-1782 was remarkably well-documented, with investigations and treatment records produced in Britain, France, Germany, Italy, and Russia. Everyone agreed that outbreak began in St. Petersburg in December 1781 and then spread across northern Europe, but the medical communities' consensus did not solve all issues. Two questions would inspire years of debate. The first concerned the transmission vector of the pandemic: was it the result of neo-Hippocratic, miasmatic, or contagionist exposure? This was perhaps the greatest concern of the late-eighteenth century, and multiple physicians hoped the latest influenza pandemic could provide an answer. The second was no less difficult - where did the disease originate? This was not only because geography affected both prophylactic measures and treatment options but also produced diplomatic and commercial consequences. Was a quarantine necessary, preventing commercial exchanges? Did the risk of infection result in peace negotiations being delayed, potentially extending the American Revolution and the ongoing naval conflict in the Atlantic? Even if a consensus could be reached that this was a "Russian" catarrh, this would not resolve the method of disease transmission. The pandemic of 1781-1782 was not a turning point in the arguments among neo-Hippocratic, miasmatic, and contagionist physicians, but rather reveals all three positions could be held simultaneously.

In 1804, Cuban physician Tomás Romay tried and failed to create the first yellow fever vaccine. The article analyzes his experimental efforts, foregrounding the enslaved and enlisted subjects at the center of this early vaccine trial. Though a scientific failure, this brief experiment, the desires and logics embedded within it, and the measures deployed in its wake - in the form of European whitening campaigns - allow us to consider the political uses of immunity during the Age of Atlantic Revolutions. Historicizing these events within the wider geopolitics of the Caribbean, the article explicates the central role that yellow fever immunization played in Cuban authorities' attempts to shore up their political and economic sovereignty in the midst of anti-colonial and anti-slavery resistance. As such, it shows how yellow fever and its threat to social and economic order fits within a broader history of vaccination as a mechanism of colonial governance. Finally, by situating Cuban efforts to prevent yellow fever alongside the health concerns of enslaved people - concerns that arguably informed their resistance to slavery - the article also demonstrates how ideas about immunity and political belonging increasingly intersected through whiteness as an elite ideal in the era that Cuba first became a slave society.

The article examines two seemingly unconnected occurrences at the nineteenth-century north east frontier of British India. The first is the production of a pathological space via moral, social, and cultural codes enacted by medical topographies on the region since the first Anglo-Burmese war (1824-1826) and the subsequent rise of disease thinking. The second is the ambivalence in disease thinking that is brought to fore through the mysterious malady called kala azar (visceral leishmaniasis), which was geographically designated as Assam fever. This article contends that the geographical designation of kala azar as Assam fever is not just coincidental or a nosological confusion of the late nineteenth century but rather has its origin in the preceding pathological carving of space at the frontier. Further, it explores the troubled ontology between research on malaria and kala azar investigations to show that the old codes enacted by medical topographies hinged upon the era of laboratory medicine.

During the 1980s, college students in the United States helped to destigmatize the distribution and use of condoms. They shifted their aims from preventing unwanted pregnancy to stopping the spread of sexually transmitted infections including the newly identified acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS). Two student-led initiatives to deliver condoms after hours at Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts and the University of Texas at Austin show regional and temporal differences in sexual mores as awareness of AIDS increased. These male students adopted a non-pharmaceutical intervention to prevent pregnancy and disease in the context of increased marketing of Trojan® brand condoms. Interviews with co-founders reveal how the students grappled with backlash from family members and campus administrators less enthusiastic about their popularization of condoms. Co-founders described how media attention affected their college experiences and how condom companies changed campus culture. Overall, large non-pharmaceutical companies such as Trojan® and small condom-resellers such as those at Harvard and the University of Texas at Austin reshaped cultural norms around safe sex as awareness of AIDS grew between 1985 and 1987.

Many accounts, autobiographical and scholarly, emphasize how volunteers portrayed their work in the mission established for fishers by British physician Wilfred Grenfell in Newfoundland and Labrador: as escapist adventure. Scholars have not studied women physicians or their motivations to volunteer, however. This oversight derives from their small number combined with lack of knowledge about this mission's distinction from the foreign medical missions and domestic frontier missions that drew many women physicians to permanent positions. This study therefore discusses two American physicians, Alfreda B. Withington (1860-1951) and Emma E. Musson (1862-1913), who volunteered for summer service with this mission in 1907 and 1909, respectively. Through their publications, biographical sources, and clinical accounts, it reveals the appeal to them of such temporary, accessible volunteer service as a working vacation that rejuvenated. Importantly, it counters the skewed perspective of contemporary accounts in which the connection of Withington and Musson to an international celebrity, Wilfred Grenfell, overrode fuller considerations of their own lives, careers, and experiences. Finally, this examination suggests possible differences in their volunteerism between women physicians and their male counterparts: along with other women professionals, medical women often incorporated volunteer vacation experience into a continuum of similar endeavors in their careers.

Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, commercialized reproductive technologies experienced a reputational crisis as news about the hormonal birth control pill's possible side effects reportedly caused 18-30% of women to stop taking it. While secondary literature has followed patients' and legislatures' actions, few histories have focused on physicians' responses. How did physicians manage this public crisis of confidence? This article contributes to existing literature through a backstage look at the work of Elizabeth B. Connell (1925-2018), whose wide-ranging career in medicine, academia, government, industry consulting, and popular writing embroiled her at the center of these controversies. To counter critique from legislatures and consumer reformers, Connell became a mediator for medicine in the public sphere, dispensing select information and arguing for limits on others - for the patient's sake. If legislative inquiry's primary havoc was unleashing information, Connell would help the profession moderate it. Because Connell was a woman doctor whom health feminists who were her contemporaries denied was a feminist doctor, the existing scholarship has occluded her. This article reconstructs the contributions of this important and flawed doctor, illuminating how she contorted herself to suit her various public messages, constrained by her conflicting, dual identities as woman and doctor.