We hypothesize that the manner in which stereotype threat affects college grade achievement is mediated by institutional context as well as individual characteristics. Drawing on a sample of black students from the National Longitudinal Survey of Freshmen we find weak and inconsistent evidence that institutional characteristics influence the operation of stereotype threat. We find more consistent evidence to indicate that the effect of stereotype threat is conditioned by individual factors such as skin color, multiracial origins, and an integrated upbringing. Most of the effect on grade achievement occurs through the internalization pathway, in which the internalization of negative stereotypes leads to disinvestment manifested by a reduction in academic effort. The reduction in work effort, in turn, lowers grades. We also find evidence that immigrant origin confers protection from the negative effects of stereotype threat through both internalization and externalization mechanisms, though the ultimate effect of grade achievement is rather small.

This study explores the double consciousness of black American patriotism in the modern era marked by publicized police killings of blacks, widespread antiracism protests, and concern for racially motivated violence. This analysis provides timely ethnographic insights into black identities that vividly captures black voices; fuses classical and contemporary race theories and extends them into the literature on patriotism; and proposes a model for understanding how double consciousness is negotiated in personal identity construction. I conducted twenty-two in-depth interviews of black Americans. I explored three questions: (1) how they interpret patriotism; (2) whether their interpretations affirm or defy their black identity; and (3) how tensions between race and nation manifest in their patriotic identity development. Many denounced hegemonic patriotism and constructed alternative patriotic brands. These brands are situated on an "Axis of Identities", which is comprised of four profiles: the bystander, the sycophant, the subverter, and the conscious patriot.

Analysis of trends in the suburbanization of whites, blacks, Asians, and Hispanics reveal that all groups are becoming more suburbanized, though the gap between whites and minorities remains large. Although central cities have made the transition to a majority-minority configuration, suburbs are still overwhelmingly white. Levels of minority-white segregation are nonetheless lower in suburbs than cities. Blacks remain the most segregated group at both locations. Black segregation and isolation levels are declining in cities and suburbs, however, while Hispanic and Asian segregation levels have remained stable and spatial isolation levels have risen. Multivariate analyses suggest that Hispanics achieve desegregation indirectly by using socioeconomic achievements to gain access to less-segregated suburban communities and directly by translating r status attainments into residence in white neighborhoods. Blacks do not achieve desegregation indirectly through suburbanization and they are much less able than Hispanics to use their socioeconomic attainments directly to enter white neighborhoods.

Deportation of immigrants is a high-ranking issue on political agendas across Europe. Political authorities, however, face a challenge regarding forced returns: affected migrants, organized activists and concerned citizens are standing up for deportees. Do these protests contest the nation state's sovereignty, expressed in the right to carry out deportations of foreign citizens? How far-reaching are protesters' ambitions for political changes? Based on a developed typology of change aspirations, this article explores this topic by studying anti-deportation protests in Austria. It combines qualitative data from interviews with protesters with longitudinal data covering protest events from 1993 to 2013. Expanding previous research, the study finds that protests often refrain from demanding fundamental political change, instead they demonstrate overt conformism for tactical purposes. At the same time, protesters develop grievances about deportation policies and practices in the course of protest developments - they have covert reformist ambitions.

This paper examines municipal responses to restrictive national policies by focussing on welfare provision for non-removed rejected asylum seekers. Using an analytical framework of multi-level governance, we investigate processes of conflict and cooperation and the demarcation of responsibilities between government tiers at the intersection of migration and welfare policy. In an in-depth analysis of the cases of Amsterdam, Vienna and Stockholm, we argue that in order to explain the divergences of public welfare provisions for non-removed rejected asylum seekers, it is necessary to look into their respective legal-institutional framework and formal competences, but also beyond, meaning into the relations of those municipalities with civil society actors and other local governments. We find that, on the one hand, the relationship between local NGOs and the municipality has an influence on the scope of services provided and that, on the other hand, alliance-building between municipalities is crucial for strengthening a political standing.

Post-imperial ethnic identities and divides are often constructed and construed through direct and indirect references to imperial legacies. In this study, we use nationally representative survey data to examine proficiency, use, and valuation of the Russian language - a major such legacy of the Soviet empire - in Kyrgyzstan, a multiethnic Central Asian nation with a long and complex history of ethnic and regional cleavages. The multivariable analyses produce instructive net variations in Russian proficiency and use across regional subgroups of ethnic Kyrgyz, the titular ethnicity, and between Kyrgyz and Uzbeks, a marginalized ethnic minority. The analyses also show that the command and use of Russian increase with community ethnic heterogeneity. Yet, no variations along these axes are found in the perceived importance of Russian language knowledge for success in the domestic labour market. These findings are situated within the interconnected contexts of historical ethnolinguistic legacies, dynamics of nation-building, and geopolitics.

The study uses the New Immigrant Survey data collected in 2003 to fill a void in the existing literature on the regional variations in exogamy among the new first generation immigrants in the United States. It further improves on some methodological issues in existing studies. Our empirical results show that immigrants from different regions of origin indeed vary significantly in their choice of spouse, even after controlling for other important predictors of exogamy. Latino females are the most exogamous of all groups while Latino males as well are more exogamous than their Asian male counterparts and do not differ much from male immigrants from Europe, Central Asia and the residual "other" category. The results are somewhat counterintuitive given the history of European immigration to the US, and the higher level of structural assimilation attained by Asians in the US compared to Latinos. The contradictory results therefore, point towards a rapid assimilation of Latin Americans into the US society. On the other hand, first generation Asians demonstrated the lowest level of all types of exogamy in general, except Asian women were not the most endogamous compared to Europeans, Central Asians and "other" residual category. The finding, once again is inconsistent with the history of European immigration. Finally, although Latinos are more exogamous, they preferred a Hispanic spouse than a non-Hispanic, which could be attributed to the common Spanish language shared by them. In contrast, lack of a common language among Asians might be contributing to their lowest intermarriage rate with other Asians, irrespective of gender.

Through the lens of racialized incorporation, this paper draws upon three decades of surveys and interviews to analyze the initial experiences of young adult Hmong migrants in the United States. The first part describes the aspirations and understandings of these young adults as adolescents (circa 1989-1994). Early in resettlement, they, like their parents, stressed education and mobility; however, in contrast to traditional assimilation theory and model minority stereotypes, their aspirations were oriented toward family, traditions, and ethnic identification. The second section (2002-2007) documents how they came to embrace a distinctive bicultural identity during the transition to adulthood even as they became increasingly aware of its tenuousness, the constraints of racism, and their own complicated place in American racial hierarchies. Focused on ethnic identity and the complexity of racialization, the Hmong case provides the foundation for theorizing varied patterns of incorporation and the value of multi-method, life-course approaches.

This review of Alana Lentin's chimes in on the context of Germany and questions how our contemporary understanding of "race" works in relation to the "new anti-Semitism." My commentary focuses on the chapter At first, I will reconstruct Lentin's argument, then move on to illustrate Lentin's theoretical analysis with examples from Germany. In a final step, I elaborate on a few questions revolving around the material dialectics of race and Whiteness in relation to race, anti-Semitism, and anti-Muslim racism.

In 2020, the public health response to the COVID-19 pandemic and the U.S. government's increased legal restrictions on asylum-seekers acted together to increase social, economic and legal precarity in the lives of Central American asylum-seeking mothers in Los Angeles. In this context, these asylum-seeking mothers discussed their intersectional precarities through the idiom of distress "preocupación", which signalled the concerns, worries, and fears they had in relation to the daily mother work of raising their children. Using ethnographic data collected during the COVID-19 pandemic, I examine how the intersectional precarities Central American asylum-seeking mothers faced necessitated protecting their children from their own preocupación. Through this, I argue that by using the analytic of preocupación it is possible to see exactly how racial and legal barriers to care increase precarity in the lives of asylum-seeking mothers in the U.S., and the detrimental impact that intersectional precarities have on asylum-seekers' mother work today.

During its almost-decade of existence, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) has been a focal point of immigration policy debate. Liminally legal DACA recipients have endured a rollercoaster of lawsuits and court decisions, yet are simultaneously incorporating into local communities characterized by distinctive socio-legal contexts. Drawing from a longitudinal qualitative study of 30 DACA recipients in the Washington, D.C. Metropolitan region, we argue that DACA recipients draw from their legal-spatial consciousness and local knowledge to forge navigational capital that allows them to adeptly maneuver between different jurisdictions. Over time, they deploy this navigational capital to strategically access distinct yet interconnected educational, health care, housing, and employment sectors and expand their spatial mobility, underscoring their capacity for adaptation and resilience. As forms of collective knowledge, their navigational capital reverberates through their social networks as they broker on-the-ground forms of inclusion for themselves and their families and communities within these socio-legal contexts.

Places marred by a legacy of racial violence have contemporary implications for racial and ethnic minorities. However, there is limited work examining how racial and ethnic minorities perceive and navigate these spaces and how they may affect their health. We examine the daily lives of Black residents of St. Louis County, living in what we refer to as a , or areas characterized by multiple forms of violence, to understand how navigating a hyperracialized space impacts how Black residents negotiate space and make meaning of their health. Qualitative interviews (n = 20) revealed three themes: (1) Whiteness and the maintenance of a hyperracialized space, (2) unspoken rules of police encounters and the embodiment of self-regulation, (3) and hypervigilance. Narratives reveal how individuals and institutions concretize a hyperracialized space through social control. Moreover, participants discussed how their environment influenced how they interacted with and navigated space, the toll of which elicited hypervigilance.

This manuscript reviews the literature on race and ethnicity in the political context. It discusses the most important scholarship on international migration, political mobilization, and the welfare state to date, to identify current gaps and emerging lines of inquiry. Future studies are needed to better understand the mobilization of immigrants by political parties, the role of local politics for a national electoral mobilization, and the relationship between local and national political areas for policy development.

The present study used data from the American Trends Panel to examine the interplay between the perceived COVID-19 health threat, discriminatory beliefs in medical settings, and psychological distress among Black Americans. We measured psychological distress as an average of five items modified from two established scales and used self-reports of perceived COVID-19 health threat and beliefs about discrimination in medical settings as focal predictors. Ordinary least squares regression was used to examine these relationships. Holding all else constant, we found that perceived COVID-19 health threat and the belief that Black Americans face racial discrimination in medical settings were both positively and significantly associated with higher levels of psychological distress. We also found a significant perceived COVID-19 health threat by belief about discrimination in medical settings interaction in the full model. Future studies should assess how these relationships vary across age groups and over time.

Existing theories of panethnicity in the USA concentrate on Asian Americans and Latinos, two umbrella groups that originally coalesced during the 1960s civil rights era. Although the role played by the state is recognized as central to panethnic development, we argue that the influence of this pivotal variable is contingent on historical context. Through a case study of emerging minority groups (Middle Eastern and South Asian Americans in the post-9/11 era), we re-examine the existing conceptualization of panethnicity at a time when the state plays a more punitive than compensatory role. Using a methodology that draws on a range of novel sources, we document the way that pre-existing ethnic, religious and national-origin labels have been reinforced instead of panethnic labels for the populations under study. Accordingly, we develop an updated conceptualization of group formation that incorporates historical context and the role of the state in the post-9/11 era.

A series of policy decisions beginning in 1965 produced an exclusionist climate in the United States. Lyndon Johnson sought to eliminate prejudice from the nation's immigration system but inadvertently curtailed opportunities for legal entry from Mexico that created a large undocumented population. In waging the Cold War, Ronald Reagan launched an intervention in Central America that displaced many more thousands who also became undocumented residents. The Wars on Crime and Drugs of Presidents Nixon and Reagan created a prison industrial complex that imprisoned blacks and Hispanics. George Bush's War on Terror unleashed a rising tide of deportations swept Latino migrants into the immigrant detention system. Finally, President Trump transformed a humanitarian problem affecting Central American families and children into a manufactured immigration crisis for the nation as a whole. The result is among the most repressive and exclusionist context of immigrant reception in American history.

Intersectionality is the study of how categorical distinctions made on the basis of race, class, and gender interact to generate inequality, and this concept has become a primary lens by which scholars have come to model social stratification in the United States. In addition to the historically powerful interaction between race and class, gender interactions have become increasingly powerful in exacerbating class inequalities while the growing exclusion of foreigners on the basis of legal status has progressively marginalized Latinos in U.S. society. As a result, poor whites and immigrant-origin Latinos have increasingly joined African Americans at the bottom of American society to form a new, expanded underclass.

Acculturation is bidirectional and includes not only the process of Hispanics adaptation to US culture(s) but also the process of US cultural adaptations to Hispanics. However, few studies of Hispanic adolescent adaptation have examined the ways in which US society accommodates or fails to accommodate its Hispanic immigrant populations. Our study addresses this gap by examining the ways in which non-Hispanic students, parents, and teachers in an emerging Hispanic community have acculturated to the Hispanic adolescents in their community. This study utilizes focus-group data from the Southern Immigrant Academic Adaptation (SIAA) study -- a multi-site, high school-based study conducted in North Carolina between 2006 and 2010. We held 34 focus groups with 139 participants from two rural and two urban high schools. In each community, at least seven focus groups were conducted to include non-Hispanics: (1) black female and male students, (2) black parents, (3) white female and male students, (4) white parents, and (5) high school teachers. In each school, we identified different modes of incorporation linked with receiving-community acculturation strategies that included varying degrees of accommodation of heritage cultures and languages as well as cultural exchanges ranging from inclusionary to exclusionary.

We examine determinants of educational and occupational aspirations and expectations among children of immigrants in Spain on the basis of a unique data set that includes statistically representative data for foreign-origin secondary students in Madrid and Barcelona plus a sample of one-fourth of their parents. Independently collected data for both generations allow us to establish effects of parental characteristics on children's orientations without the confounding potential inherent in children's reports about parents. We analyze first determinants of parental ambition and, through a series of step-wise regressions, the effects of these goals and other parental and family characteristics on children's aspirations and expectations. A structural equations model synthesizes results of the analysis. The model confirms predictions from the research literature, especially those based on the Wisconsin status attainment model, but rejects others, including the predicted significance of private vs. public school attendance. Parental ambition, knowledge of Spanish by parents and children, gender, and children's age are major determinants of youths' educational and occupational goals. These results have direct implications for policy; these are discussed in the conclusion.

Institutional ethnoracial taxation increases work stress and reduces research productivity among Mexican American and Puerto Rican faculty. Latinos are a heterogenous group, yet little is known about differences in taxation, discrimination experiences and health by race, ethnicity, and nativity. This study explores three questions: Are there differences between URM (historically underrepresented) and non-URM Latinos in: 1) demographic factors, 2) taxation experiences and 3) physical and depressive symptoms and role overload? Survey respondents included 134 Mexican American, 76 Puerto Rican, and 108 non-URM Latino faculty. URM respondents are significantly less likely to report white race, more likely to report racial/ethnic discrimination, and more likely to report joint appointments compared to non-URM faculty. Almost 25% of respondents report clinical depressive symptoms. Disproportionate combinations of taxation from service, administrative demands and discrimination without institutional supports constitute an ." Reducing taxation demands requires institutional equity agendas to support research productivity, promotion, and retention.