Beginning in March of 2020, the unprecedented circumstances of the COVID-19 pandemic caused a shift in the ways in which governments, and all organizations, performed many of their functions, including the ways in which they make decisions. In Westminster parliamentary democracies, the executive branch-with the support of the public service-has the capacity to respond quickly and decisively to matters at hand, which can make the system particularly well suited to deal with emergencies. However, the expedited approach can come at some cost in the sense that a higher tolerance for risk earlier in the process can create an increased need for problem-solving later on. This article explores how the Canadian government approached decision-making during the COVID-19 period, specifically within the period between March and August of 2020. Decision-making processes were truncated and modified to meet the challenges of the time, and the federal public service was widely praised for its nimbleness and responsiveness.

Governments across the world have deployed various surveillance devices to curb the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on literature research on two contrasting cases, South Korea and Canada, this study shows the influence of national context on deploying automated epidemiological surveillance of COVID-19. Beside highlighting food for thought regarding government management of a possible new health crisis, the study shows that civil society can contribute to informing public debate by bringing governments to be transparent in terms of automated epidemiological surveillance. In conclusion, the study stresses the importance of debating surveillance issues outside of health crisis periods to avoid possible excesses caused by the urgent need for action.

As the world continues to grapple with the COVID-19 pandemic, the preparedness of governments to respond to it will likely undergo review. A key component is the legislative capacity and authority that governments had in place or could rapidly introduce to address the social, economic and health consequences of the emergency. We review Canada's legal preparedness for public health emergencies and the use of federal legislation to address the pandemic. We provide an overview of the concept of legal preparedness, summarize the federal statutes, regulations and orders enacted, and analyze the coherence of federal activity and its relevance to provinces, territories and international health regulations. We determine that the federal government has relied on spending power rather than constitutional authority over public health or existing legislation on influencing the course of the pandemic.

Several Canadian and international scholars offer commentaries on the implications of the COVID-19 pandemic for governments and public service institutions, and fruitful directions for public administration research and practice. This second suite of commentaries considers the challenges confronting governments as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic and in the decades to come with an increasingly broad lens: the need to understand and rethink the architecture of the state given recent and future challenges awaiting governments; the need to rethink government-civil society relations and policies to deliver services for increasingly diverse citizens and communities; the need for new repertoires and sensibilities on the part of governments for recognizing, anticipating, and engaging on governance risks despite imperfect expert knowledge and public skepticism; how the COVID-19 crisis has caused us to reconceive international and sub-national borders where new "borders" are being drawn; and the need to anticipate a steady stream of crises similar to the COVID-19 pandemic arising from climate change and related challenges, and develop new national and international governance strategies for fostering population and community resilience.

Financial reporting by non-profit organizations deals only with accountability for propriety and regularity, and ignores output measurement. The development of output measures of a physical or index nature offers a means of relating dollar costs to output in the form of cost-efficiency or cost-effectiveness measures, but does not provide any measure of the absolute value or worthwhileness of such programs. This fundamental absolute value question should be asked of all non-profit programs and documented to the greatest possible extent in budgetary submissions, and subsequent control and audit. In public sector non-profit programs, the posing of this question requires information on consumer demand other than in aggregative and imprecise form through the political process, and much improved information on the cost side. Eliciting demand information is feasible in the case of public programs with separable benefits by the use of a variety of pricing techniques, direct or imputed, whether or not the service in question is ultimately financed on a user-pay basis. The problem of eliciting demand is more difficult in the case of public goods, but improved demand information can be obtained, ideally by an approach such as the use of a Clarke tax. The argument can be extended to encompass questions of income distribution, stabilization, regulation and tax policy. Recent developments in program evaluation in the federal government are important, but remain deficient in failing to address the question of absolute value.

The provinces of Alberta and Ontario have chosen very different methods to distribute alcoholic beverages: Alberta privatized the Alberta Liquor Control Board (ALCB) in 1993 and established a private market to sell beverage alcohol, while Ontario, in stark contrast, opted to retain and expand the Liquor Control Board of Ontario (LCBO). This article examines the reasons for the divergent policy choices made by Ralph Klein and Mike Harris' Conservative governments in each province. The article draws on John Kingdon's “multiple streams decision-making model,” to examine the mindsets of the key decision-makers, as well as “historical institutionalism,” to organize the pertinent structural, historical and institutional variables that shaped the milieu in which decision-makers acted. Unique, province-specific political cultures, histories, institutional configurations (including the relative influence of a number of powerful actors), as well as the fact that the two liquor control boards were on opposing trajectories towards their ultimate fates, help to explain the different decisions made by each government. Endogenous preference construction in this sector, furthermore, implies that each system is able to satisfy all relevant stakeholders, including consumers.

In 2007, a survey was conducted to measure the levels of workplace engagement for British Columbian civil servants. Following the Heskett et al. model of the “service profit chain” (1994, 2002), the government's primary concerns were the increasing attrition rates and their effects on service delivery. Essentially, the model demonstrated that employees who were more engaged were more committed to their work and more likely to stay within the civil service and that this culminated in improved customer service. Under the joint rubrics of absenteeism and job satisfaction, this study uses a construct of engagement (i.e., job satisfaction) to test whether different levels of engagement have any effect on the amount of sick time (absenteeism) an employee incurs. Specifically, the author looks at whether there is any correlation between the amount of sick time used and an individual's level of engagement and proposes that there is an inverse negative relationship: as job engagement increases, sick time used decreases. Testing the old adage “A happy employee is a healthy employee,” this research demonstrates that, though a more engaged employee may use less sick time, the differences in use between highly engaged employees and those not engaged are fairly marginal and that correlations are further confounded by a host of other (often missing) factors.

This article considers a coalition model of governance as an innovative approach to public management. In general, the coalition governance model adopts key principles of new public management and inherits criticisms similar to those levelled against the new managerialism. Looking at a case study of parent child coalitions in Manitoba, this article explores some benefits and consequences of implementing and utilizing coalition governance as a model for social policy. It finds that the attempt to increase child-centred programming across the province required innovative adjustments to the management of this social policy issue, as well as a restructuring of the overarching policy structure. Innovative public management and the implementation of a coalition governance approach helped transform early childhood development in Manitoba from a private and personal family concern to a public policy issue. It has increased citizen engagement and has also increased government access to a previously inaccessible segment of society. Although these innovations resolved some key concerns, additional criticisms remain as yet unaddressed.

This paper makes an assessment of the impact of toxic chemical regulation in Canada. Ranges of costs and benefits, supplemented by survey information, analogous American data, interviews and case studies have been used to demonstrate the general usefulness of a cost-benefit framework for public sector decision-making even where information availability is constrained and complete analysis is not feasible. It is concluded that, with few exceptions, the impact of environmental regulation on chemical producers in Canada is neither excessive nor unduly onerous.

This article examines the relationship between government regulation and interest group activity of two paramedical groups in Ontario: chiropractors and physioptherapists. These disciplines occupy positions vis-à-vis the provincial medical insurance plan opposite to those which their relationships with the medical profession would suggest. It will be argued that the employment of sophisticated pressure group tactics can be highly effective as a surrogate for medical recognition. This, in conjunction with the difficulties inherent in the exercise of lay judgment in the development of public policy toward the professions, can lead to controversial policy outputs. It will also become apparent that a close and legitimate association with the medical profession is not necessarily of benefit in the pursuit of professional recognition.

This article focuses on Quebec's most recent reform in the regionalization of health care to understand why the government chose to transform the regional boards into agencies. This case study used interviews and documentary analysis. Rooted in a political science perspective, the conceptual framework is inspired by the work of John Kingdon (1995) and draws on the four variables that influence the choice of policy: ideas, interests, institutions and events. Results of the case study suggest that Quebec's Commission of Study for Health and Social Services (the Clair Commission) in 2000 and the 2002 pre-electoral environment put the issue on the agenda. In 2003, the newly elected Liberal government passed Bill 25 – An Act Respecting Local Health and Social Services Network Development Agencies, which represented a political compromise: originally slated for eradication, the regional tier survived but in a new form. The element that sparked reform was the change in government following the elections. Different inquiry reports spread the reform's ideas, while interest groups articulated contrasting visions on the transformation. Above all, regional institutions showed great resilience in the face of change. From a historical perspective, this regionalization policy is a step backward: the regional tier is now stronger from a managerial and technocratic point of view, but it is politically and democratically weakened. This suggests a government intention, at that time, to maintain the regional level as a means of retaining centralized control over Quebec's health-care system.

Governments in Canada have recently been exploring new accountability measures within intergovernmental relations. Public reporting has become the preferred mechanism in a range of policy areas, including early learning and child-care, and the authors assess its effectiveness as an accountability measure. The article is based on their experience with a community capacity-building project that considers the relationship between the public policy, funding and accountability mechanisms under the federal/provincial/territorial agreements related to child-care. The authors argue that in its current form, public reporting has not lived up to its promise of accountability to citizens. This evaluation is based on the standards that governments have set for themselves under the federal/provincial/territorial agreements, as well as guidelines set by the Public Sector Accounting Board, an independent body that develops accounting standards over time through consultation with governments.

This article focuses on the decision-making processes surrounding the implementation of Bill 25, Quebec's Act Respecting Local Health and Social Services Network Development Agencies. Our intention is to shed light on the strategies of the various groups or institutions that expressed their preferences and attempted, with varying degrees of success, to influence decisions with respect to this major reform of the Quebec health system structure. On a theoretical level, we are relying mostly on the models for analysing the lobbying process, which, since the seminal work of Milbrath (1960, 1963), have essentially presented this practice as a process for exchanging information. Based on the information gathered in the re-transcribed interviews, the strategies observed are actually in line with the constitutive characteristics of lobbying and, in some situations, those of patronage. Ultimately, the combination of these various elements makes it obvious that the implementation of Bill 25 was, first and foremost, a clearly political process. The technical arguments on which the initial objectives of the act were centred have thereby been relegated to the backstage.