This essay proposes that the only publication of the Accademia del Cimento, referred to as ,1 Accademia del Cimento, (Firenze: Per Giuseppe Cocchini, 1667). had as one of its main goals the celebration of the House of Medici's paternity of cutting-edge experiments and instruments during the reign of Grand Duke Ferdinando II. These included Ferdinando II's thermometers and hygrometers, Torricelli's experiment and barometer, and Galileo's pendulum as a clock-regulator. It seems that this agenda went unnoticed, not at the time of its initial circulation, but rather in modern historiography. Christiaan Huygens's challenged invention of the pendulum clock provides a case study to explore the agenda of this publication and the problem of defining an invention in seventeenth-century Europe. This paper presents for the first time the document that attests to when the first specimen of Huygens's clock arrived in Florence, disproving the previously believed date of September 1657. The paper argues that over the last two centuries, this error has made the Medici narratives of this dispute appear inconsistent and marginalized them. In light of this new find, they must be reconsidered.

This paper utilizes the concept of the agency of material objects, proposed as a tenet by several historians of science in the late twentieth century. It argues that scientific instruments have agency in the field due to their value and fragility, both of which attributes served to dictate a social hierarchy of activity. Furthermore, the resulting numerical outputs served to discriminate between various groups. The principal focus is the role of instruments used by travellers sponsored by the Royal Geographical Society, London, but it also looks at the role of instruments on a larger triangulation; the project to survey the African part of the arc of the 30th meridian east of Greenwich. Seeing the instruments as material objects allows insights into the social arrangements and interactions taking place. It is argued that instruments, and the results of instrument use, entrenched existing power hierarchies, imparting greater prestige to those who were previously endowed with privilege. It is argued the instruments contributed to 'othering' both in the field and in the publications resulting from the expeditions.

Alsatian engineer Gustave-Adolphe Hirn is best known to historians of science for his experimental determination of the mechanical equivalent of heat, first published in 1855. Since the 1840s, that equivalent has been closely associated with the conservation of energy, indeed often conflated with it. Hirn was one of Thomas Kuhn's twelve 'pioneers' whose work he deemed relevant to the ostensible 'simultaneous discovery' of energy conservation. Yet Hirn never wholeheartedly embraced energy conservation. After reviewing his experimental work, his philosophical reflections, and his response to developments in heat theory, this article identifies three factors as having played central roles in this regard: Hirn's deepest concerns were ontological, not energetic; none of the concepts basic to his natural philosophy were appropriate stand-ins for a quantitatively conserved energy; and, accurately reflecting the most common interpretation of the principle of the conservation of energy from the 1860s on - as exemplified already by Helmholtz in 1847 - Hirn associated its corpuscular-mechanical underpinning with the despiritualizing materialism he saw as dominating contemporary science. Hence although Hirn's natural philosophy embraced sentiments quite in the spirit of the conservation of energy, he never explicitly subscribed to that principle.

Antonino Saliba, a sixteenth century cartographer hailing from the Maltese island of Gozo, published a map in 1582 espousing his cosmology. Its popularity at the time is attested via the multiple editions and copies that were produced in Europe. Numerous sky phenomena, amongst them comets, are portrayed in the map. This study presents a detailed analysis of Saliba's treatment of these phenomena, following the first comprehensive translation of the map's text to English. It elucidates the sources that Saliba used, clarifying and shedding further light on the views he held. Where possible, the comets mentioned by Saliba are identified and explained. Besides showing how Saliba wholly conformed to the Aristotelian and Ptolemaic representation of the world, in which respect he was quite orthodox, it is also shown for the first time that his work is significantly derived from previous and contemporary sources.

During the French Revolution, obstetrics underwent substantial transformations in practice, teaching, and the physical spaces where it was conducted. The revolutionary authorities implemented reforms in French medical institutions that promoted an instrument-centred style and the dissemination of novel surgical techniques in obstetrics. The selection of professors for the obstetrics chair at the newly established École de santé and the appointment of chiefs for the new maternity ward in Paris favoured proponents of a mechanistic approach to labour assistance. This essay explores the theoretical principles and societal pressures that guided these transformative reforms and the remarkable changes they introduced in healthcare and in the practise of medicine and surgery. Furthermore, it examines the consolidation of new epistemological, ethical, and professional boundaries within the context of late eighteenth-century French obstetrics. A critical section of this study focuses on the debate ignited by the contemporaries who voiced concerns that the rise of surgical interventions on pregnant women's bodies might result in unwarranted violence, in a diminishing of midwives' roles, and in a departure from the tradition of natural childbirth. These controversies among obstetricians highlight significant contradictions within the Revolutionary medical reforms.

During the English Civil War and subsequent Restoration, beekeeping provided a ready set of moral examples for those seeking answers about the 'natural' structure of society. The practice itself also underwent a number of substantial changes, moving from a traditional craft practice to a more knowledge-focused, technologically complex one. The advent of glass-windowed hives in the latter half of the sixteenth century allowed intellectuals from across the political spectrum to directly observe bees as a way of gathering knowledge about how to understand the divine plan and, with that understanding, improve human society.

This article reconstructs the complex diplomatic negotiations that led to the peculiar organization of molecular biology at the European level, by focusing in particular on the establishment of the European Molecular Biology Conference (EMBC), the intergovernmental structure founded in 1969-70 to support the scientific program of the European Molecular Biology Organization (EMBO). By combining the analysis of the informal decision-making kept in the Nobel Prize laureate John C. Kendrew's personal papers (Oxford) with the in-depth exploration of the institutional documentation available in the EMBO and CERN archives (Heidelberg and Geneva) and the Swiss Federal Archives (Bern), the article sheds light on the importance of the EMBC not only for the construction of molecular biology as a scientific, social, and political field in the European context, but also for the broader process of definition of the European research policy. Far from being just a mere replica of CERN, the EMBO/EMBC inaugurated in fact an alternative and flexible 'bottom-up' model of science policy in the European context, based on competition, networking, and scientific excellence, which paved the way to the establishment of the European Research Council (ERC) in the early 2000s.

Modern commentators have doubts about the authenticity and cogency of the early propositions of Archimedes' Book 1. Ernst Mach famously said that the proof of Prop. 6, the so-called law of the lever, assumes what is to be proven. Comparing the initial text in Heiberg's modern edition (1881, 1913) to the first propositions in Eutocius' commentary on 1, J. L. Berggren ([1976]. 'Spurious Theorems in Archimedes' Equilibrium of Planes: Book I', 16.2 (1976), 87-103.) claimed that the propositions up through Proposition 3 of the standard modern edition are schoolbook additions written by an ancient author inferior to Archimedes. The present paper argues for the logical connectedness of Postulates 1-5 to Props. 1-6, by means of a detailed examination of the course of the argument and a re-examination of Eutocius' remarks. The paper reinterprets the role of the empirical in the early propositions and offers a reading of the contribution of Archimedes' mechanics to the method of 1.

The life and work of Hermann Günther Graßmann (1809-1877) attract not only ever again the attention of mathematicians, mathematical historians and those interested in the history of mathematics, they constitute also a challenge for the methodology of historiographical research. This challenge persists since Friedrich Engel's biography of 1911; there, two sources were presented and interpreted in a not legitimate manner which even mislead since then various scholars. This paper faces the intricate task to unravel not only the methodological shortcomings of Engel's biography, but also to re-assess the misinterpretations - particularly of alleged influences on Graßmann's approaches - induced by Engel's misleading claims. Based upon broader historically contextualised analyses of Graßmann's innovative elements in his theory of extension and upon new primary sources for his student times at the Gymnasium and Berlin University, the paper presents a novel assessment of Graßmann's approaches.

The study evaluates Paracelsus's and Paracelsian-Weigelian microcosmogonies, i.e. theories concerning the nature and creation of human beings, especially their biblical underpinnings, and particularly in the light of Luther's and Lutheran anthropological and biblical-exegetical stances. The Lutheran approach to the origin and components of human beings-as seen in Luther's early and the of his late career-relied on such magisterial principles as adherence to , literal biblical exegesis, and the hermeneutical standard to 'let scripture interpret scripture,' whereas the Paracelsians, Weigelians, and Pseudo-Weigelians-in such works as Paracelus's (1537/38) and the anonymous (1617)-employed such extra-biblical concepts as 'sidereal bodies,' the 'light of nature,' and a microcosm-macrocosm theory based on an alchemical interpretation of the of Genesis 2:7. Seventeenth-century Orthodox Lutherans, including Nikolaus Hunnius and Ehregott Daniel Colberg, castigated the 'heretical' in Paracelsus and the . The study also addresses the authorship of several texts entitled and speculates on reasons for the tracts' deviations from Paracelsus's views. The case study of Paracelsian-Weigelian microcosmogonies underscores the centuries-long staying power of some of Paracelsus's core theological concepts, which were both seconded by votaries and vituperatively criticized by opponents.

The Swiss natural philosopher, physician, and radical reformer Theophrastus of Hohenheim (1493-1541), known as Paracelsus, endeavoured to reconcile his various perspectives in his extensive biblical exegeses. Symbolizing this effort were the two lights of nature and the Holy Spirit, which, on one hand, explored worldly and mortal aspects of nature and, on the other hand, led to eternal life. In response to the prevailing dispute between Luther and Zwingli over the interpretation of the Eucharist, Paracelsus developed his own viewpoint, introducing the concept of the new human with a renewed corporeal body. His comprehensive interpretations of the Gospel of Matthew not only addressed theology but also engaged with the perspectives of a natural philosopher, physician, and advocate of natural magic.

The book of Patrick Matthew (1790-1874) 'On Naval Timber and Arboriculture' has regularly thwarted readers' attempts of interpretation. The problems seem to extend beyond analysing and interpreting its evolutionary passages. Building upon previous studies, this analysis presents evidence that the book's structure itself may have contributed significantly to its reception by sundry readers as somehow either clear or obscure, consequently leading to a diversity of interpretations. First, the book does not have a consistent literary form. Second, it presents a miscellany of juxtaposed contents. Third, its readers approach it from different contexts. Internal evidence shows that Patrick Matthew added a lot of material, while the manuscript was already in the proof-reading or press stage. This explains why it provides no consistent literary form or integrated content that would have helped interpretation. Hence readers have been left to their own devices, and their interpretation depended more strongly than usual on their own contexts.

Paracelsus is an extraordinarily difficult author to interpret, in part because of the seemingly elusive boundary between literal and metaphorical levels of meaning in his work. The present paper argues for a literal reading of Paracelsus, based on comments that he makes in his late The article also includes a translated chapter from one of the treatises in that work,

The study offers an analysis of the treatise (first edition 1576, ed. Michael Toxites) in the context of Paracelsus's likely sojourn in Tyrol in 1533/1534. The article discusses Paracelsus's approach to treating plague, emphasizing practical remedies over theoretical considerations. Paracelsus offers various therapeutic interventions, including bloodletting and herbal remedies. The treatise also delves into astrological considerations, offering recommendations based on sex, age, and other factors. Despite its departure from Paracelsus's more theoretical plague works, such as and , the Sterzing treatise is deemed authentic, reflecting a practical and utilitarian approach likely driven by Paracelsus's attempt to secure patronage. The article underscores the importance of considering audience and genre when interpreting Paracelsus's writings, suggesting that the Sterzing treatise serves as a valuable biographical source while offering insights into his evolving medical theories.

Meteorology is not one of the most discussed topics in Paracelsus studies, although it is closely linked to both Paracelsus' medicine and cosmology. Furthermore, it appears to be at the very core of Paracelsus' famous matter theory of three chymical principles, mercury, sulphur and salt, known as the . By discussing prominent examples of Paracelsus' explanations on how the operate within the stars, this article shows how the Swiss physician conceived meteorology within his own body of knowledge, obviously constructed in opposition to the Aristotelian-scholastic tradition, how he based it on a peculiar interpretation of the Biblical creation story, and made it the proper laboratory of his chymical matter theory, applying it first systematically to the field of natural philosophy, especially to celestial phenomena, even before using it for his medical theory in his later writings.

Paracelsus was a transmutational alchemist: For most of his career, he believed that one metal could be turned into another. In an alchemical text, the he explored the theoretical foundations of transmutation and hinted at recipes for bringing it about. He proposed that from plants, gems, metals, and minerals might be prepared a class of marvelous medicaments, which he called (first entities). Each had particular uses, but the were all supposed to be able to revitalize the human body and cleanse it of disease. Certain could also transmute metals. The affirmed the metaphysical centrality, in goldmaking and medicine alike, not just of purification or alteration but of renewal and transformation. It expressed the author's eschatological excitement at God's works of wonder, whether within or above nature.

In this essay, I will compare the character, scientific style, and writing style of the American physicist Josiah Willard Gibbs and the French physicist Pierre Maurice Duhem. I begin with biographical notes to portray some significant moments of their lives. I will contrast their characters and scientific styles as manifested in their social and scientific activity influenced by the cultural traditions of their countries and the social and scientific milieu of their time. Also, in these sections, I will discuss features of their familial relationships that affected their youth, their psychology, and the shaping of their characters. I will compare their writing styles emphasizing the differences observed between Gibbs's dense and austere style, unlike Duhem's detailed and informative way of writing his essays. I will further examine the way by which each physicist used Mach's doctrine of the economy of thought in shaping their writing style. A final contrast is reserved for their pedagogical styles. In this case, I will let their students and colleagues speak for them, while I comment on why they did not leave behind a school of thought.

This article investigates Haast's claim that in March 1862 he independently reached the same controversial conclusion as Ramsay, that lake basins in previously glaciated regions were formed by ancient glaciers. Both men's views fuelled a passionate debate in British scientific societies. However, science historians largely ignore Haast's contribution or imply he knew about Ramsay's 'theory' before coming to a conclusion about Southern Alps lakes.To assess whether Haast independently reached that conclusion in March 1862, field records, correspondence, reports, newspaper articles, and scientific publications are examined. Of significance are communications with geologists Hochstetter, Hector, and Ramsay, botanist Hooker, and physicist Tyndall. Consideration of what Haast observed in March 1862 is also critical.However, Haast's 1862 conclusion differs from Ramsay's. While Ramsay was convinced ancient glaciers scooped out rock basins, resulting in deep lakes, Haast believed ancient retreating glaciers left moraines that dammed valleys, resulting in shallow lakes. Regardless of their differences, after Haast read Ramsay's paper in 1864, he applied Ramsay's 'theory' to New Zealand's alpine lakes and proposed an excavation process.The essence of both Ramsay's and Haast's conclusions has been confirmed by research in formerly glaciated regions worldwide. However, Haast's contribution to glaciology is overlooked or underemphasized, and warrants being more widely acknowledged.