Societies often respond to a crisis by attributing blame to some groups while constructing others as victims and heroes. While it has received scant sociological attention, 'panic buying' is a critical indicator of such public sentiment at the onset of a crisis, and thus a crucial site for analysis. This article traces dynamics of blame in news media representations of an extreme period of panic buying during COVID-19 in Australia. Analysis reveals that lower socio-economic and ethnically diverse consumers were blamed disproportionately. Unlike wealthier consumers who bulk-bought online, shoppers filling trollies in-store were depicted as selfish and shameful, described using dehumanising language, and portrayed as 'villains' who threatened social order. Supermarkets were cast simultaneously as 'victims' of consumer aggression and 'heroes' for their moral leadership, trustworthiness and problem-solving. This portrayal misunderstands the socio-emotional drivers of panic buying, exacerbates stigma towards already disadvantaged groups, and veils the corporate profiteering that encourages stockpiling.

The arts and creative industries are among those most affected by government measures to contain the Covid-19 pandemic. This article discusses a qualitative survey study, open between August and October 2020, with creative arts workers living in Victoria, Australia. The study explored experiences of disruptions to work and broader impacts on daily lives during the pandemic. In this article, we examine how participants discuss their work and circulate pre-existing and create new social imaginaries of a devalued and ignored arts sector in Australia. Our analysis points to how people understand their lives, work and communities amidst a global pandemic in relation to and entangled with particular social imaginaries of the creative arts.

Though mainstream sociological theory has been founded within dualisms such as structure/agency, nature/culture, and mind/matter, a thread within sociology dating back to Spencer and Tarde favoured a monist ontology that cut across such dualistic categories. This thread has been reinvigorated by recent developments in social theory, including the new materialisms, posthumanism and affect theories. Here we assess what a monist or 'flat' ontology means for sociological understanding of key concepts such as structures and systems, power and resistance. We examine two monistic sociologies: Bruno Latour's 'sociology of associations' and DeLanda's ontology of assemblages. Understandings of social processes in terms of structures, systems or mechanisms are replaced with a focus upon the micropolitics of events and interactions. Power is a flux of forces or 'affects' fully immanent within events, while resistance is similarly an affective flow in events producing micropolitical effects contrary to power or control.

Mothers' return to work following childbirth is widely recognized as a key stage in establishing employment arrangements that disadvantage them in the long run. This article investigates why mothers accept these unequal arrangements using data from a qualitative study of 109 Australian mothers. It focuses on mothers' perceptions of the fairness and justice of the flexibility of arrangements they commonly enter into upon return to work. The article draws attention to the importance of different justice frameworks, distributive, procedural and interactional, in understanding women's acceptance of gender inequality in paid work. The results indicate that most mothers view their workplace arrangements as fair, consistent with a distributive justice framework. Many women also place great importance on interactional justice, particularly in their experiences in negotiating flexibility. The article also identifies differences across employment type with women in jobs with career prospects more likely to invoke interactional justice frameworks than women in jobs with few career prospects.

Debate over the measurement of global poverty in low- and middle-income countries continues unabated. There is considerable controversy surrounding the 'dollar a day' measure used to monitor progress against the Millennium Development Goals. This article shines fresh light on the debate with new empirical analyses of poverty (including child poverty), inequality and deprivation levels in the Pacific island state of Vanuatu. The study focuses not only on economic and monetary metrics and measures, but also the measures of deprivation derived from sociology in relation to shelter, sanitation, water, information, nutrition, health and education. Until recently, there had been few, if any, attempts to study poverty and deprivation disparities among children in this part of the world. Different measures yield strikingly different estimates of poverty. The article, therefore, attempts to situate the study findings in the broader international context of poverty measurement and discusses their implications for future research and the post-2015 development agenda.

This article considers the path of social policy and democracy in Australia and the latest set of welfare reforms under Labor. The reforms can be seen to mark a reaction to the excesses of neoliberal government on the one hand, but they also represent continuity in neoliberal thought and policy on the other. As we shall see, engrained ideas about individualist wage-earning welfare, that were established during the formative years of the 20th century, continue to shape, if not constrain collectivist solutions to some of the inherent social risks faced by Australian citizens today. In this light, efforts to create a welfare state geared towards meeting the needs of 'hard-working' Australian families appear much sharper.

This paper reports on research into the practice of euthanasia amongst Australian health care professionals specializing in HIV/AIDS. It draws on data from thirty-nine semi-structured interviews carried out in Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane and Canberra with physicians, general practitioners, hospital and community nurses, therapists and community workers. Using a qualitative methodology, the study seeks to identify how (illegal) euthanasia is currently practised, the degrees of involvement, the various forms that involvement takes, and the social relations which provide the context for involvement. In this paper we outline three categories of 'doers' to illustrate the range of attitudes and practices concerning euthanasia. This 'typology' carries a number of implications for recent policy debates over the legalisation of euthanasia. In particular it illustrates, at least within the context of AIDS care, the fragmentation of consensus over euthanasia amongst health care workers, the reality of current illegal euthanasia practices, and the limitations of a prohibitionist policy. While the legalisation of euthanasia within a regulatory framework is sometimes portrayed as an extreme or 'radical' response to terminal illness, the data presented in this paper suggest that prohibitionism is also radical in its failure to control euthanasia practice.

This paper relates the development of bioethics and the issue of euthanasia to social control. It suggests that, contrary to appearances, developments in these areas indicate increasing government control of health care practice. Specifically, it argues that, although the emergence of bioethics may appear to indicate health care professionals engaging in self-regulation, the reality is more a case of re-regulation or a shift of regulatory control from health care professionals to governments or agents of governments. By contrast, the issue of euthanasia appears to be proceeding in a different direction in that it seems to be a dispute over de-regulation of health care practice. In reality, though, it is similar to the development of bioethics. The issue of euthanasia, especially in recent years, rests on the same type of re-regulation of health care practice--a shift from medical control to increasing control by government.