The paper presents a snapshot of the city-village connections in the city of Yakutsk and an anthropological account of the dynamics of the relationship between the city and villages around it. Demographic changes that started in the 1980s, prompted by a decline in agriculture, initiated an exodus of the rural population from the countryside into the city of Yakutsk. This paper explores the migration dynamics of the rural population to the city. Two conflicting aspects of the relationship between the city and village are the focus of this paper: treating village people as close kin and as outsiders. I examine the image of ulusnik [a villager] and consider rationales behind the stigma attached to it and a social role of the Other which is imposed on the people from the countryside.

Changing economies and patterns of trade, rather than climatic deterioration, could have critically marginalized the Norse Greenland settlements and effectively sealed their fate. Counter-intuitively, the end of Norse Greenland might not be symptomatic of a failure to adapt to environmental change, but a consequence of successful wider economic developments of Norse communities across North Atlantic. Data from Greenland, the Faroe Islands, and medieval Iceland is used to explore the interplay of Norse society with climate, environment, settlement, and other circumstances. Long term increases in vulnerability caused by economic change and cumulative climate changes sparked a cascading collapse of integrated interdependent settlement systems, bringing the end of Norse Greenland.

In 1992 an abandoned federal radioactive waste dump was discovered in Arctic Alaska. The discovery of this site, a byproduct of the Atomic Energy Commission program known as Project Chariot, sent shockwaves throughout Iñupiaq communities and ignited a heated controversy over the health effects of subsisting on a "tundra of sickness." Drawing on thirty months of ethnographic research in Arctic Alaska, this paper explores a host of environmental, social, and moral uncertainties sparked by toxic waste. Anthropological claims regarding the extent to which "traditional ecological knowledge" will empower local communities and foster self-determination are challenged. Ultimately the paper argues that TEK has been conceived in such restrictive terms that it misrepresents the dynamic, emerging, and at times contradictory responses to toxic waste in the Arctic today. Moreover, there is dire need for a more materialist, as opposed to discourse-based, approach that acknowledges the very real threat of toxic waste to physical, and therefore, cultural reproduction.

The popular view of the Norse settlement across the North Atlantic describes colonies with similar subsistence practices being established from the Faroe Islands in the west to L'Anse aux Meadows in the east. The importance of plant resources to the Norse animal husbandry strategies implemented by settlers upon arrival are not well established, nor are the changes these strategies underwent, eventually resulting in different cultural solutions to varying environmental and social factors. This paper compares archaeobotanical samples from two Icelandic archaeological sites, Svalbarð and Gjögur, and one Greenlandic site, Gården Under Sandet (GUS). Results of this comparison suggest that heathland shrubs were an important fodder resource for caprines in both Iceland and Greenland while apophytes ("weedy taxa") were part of the cattle fodder in Greenland. Further, the results indicate that mucking out of cattle barns to provide fertilizer was likely practiced at the GUS site in the Western Norse settlement of Greenland.

Public policy practices in the Canadian North, particularly those connected to housing and employment, are encouraging a reorganization of Inuit social organization to more closely resemble the insular and independent nuclear family household idealized by Eurocanadians. This has wide-ranging implications for the social stability of northern communities without sufficient employment opportunities. The paper examines the symbolic and structural effects of housing policies and employment on culturally valued social practices such as sharing in Holman, a community in the Inuvialuit Settlement Region of the Northwest Territories of Canada.

The polar bear (Ursus maritimus) is a common pool resource that contributes to both the subsistence and monetary aspects of the Nunavut mixed economy through its use as food, the sale of hides in the fur trade, and sport hunt outfitting. Sport hunting is more financially profitable than subsistence hunting; however, the proportion of the polar bear quota devoted to the sport hunt has become relatively stable at approximately 20% across Nunavut. This ratio suggests local Inuit organizations are not using a neoclassical economic model based on profit maximization. This paper examines local-level hunting organizations and their institutions (as sets of rules) governing the sport and Inuit subsistence hunts from both formalist and substantivist economic perspectives. It concludes that profit maximization is used within the sport hunting sphere, which fits a neoclassical model of economic rationality. A second and parallel system, better viewed through the substantivist perspective, demonstrates that the communities focus on longer-term goals to maintain and reproduce the socio-economic system of the subsistence economy, which is predicated on maintaining social, human-environment, and human-polar bear relations.

The study of archival materials and published historical and ethnographic sources shows that alcohol played an insignificant role in contacts with the aboriginal population during the Russian colonization of Alaska. The Russian-American Company (RAC) tried to fight alcoholism and limited access of spirits to the natives of the Russian colonies partially for moral and partially for economic reasons. The only Alaskan natives to whom agents of the RAC supplied rum in large quantities were the Tlingit and Kaigani Haida in 1830–1842, and among them excessive drinking became a widespread problem. The chief suppliers of alcohol for these Native Americans were the British and American traders at the end of the eighteenth century. In the mid-nineteenth century traders and whalers began to supply it to the Bering Sea Eskimos as well. Russian colonization was marked by efforts to limit drunkenness in the native populations. In that sense, Russian colonization was favorable in comparison with subsequent American colonization of Alaska.

A collaborative study of the Smithsonian Institution's ethnology collections has inspired the narration of Alaska Native oral traditions, including Yupik Elder Estelle Oozevaseuk's re-telling (in 2001) of the story of Kukulek village and the St. Lawrence Island famine and epidemic of 1878–80. The loss of at least 1,000 lives and all but two of the island's villages was a devastating event that is well documented in historical sources and archaeology, as well as multiple Yupik accounts. Yupiget have transmitted memories of extreme weather, bad hunting conditions, and a wave of fatal contagion that swept the island. The Kukulek narrative, with origins traceable to the late nineteenth century, provides a spiritual perspective on the disaster's underlying cause, found in the Kukulek people's disrespect toward the animal beings that sustained them. This paper explores the cultural and historical contexts of this narrative, and contrasts it with Western perspectives.

Professor Dumond's research on the Alaska Peninsula provided information that prior to 1,000 years ago people of both sides of the Alaska Peninsula shared material culture and exhibited subsistence interests that persisted into historic times, During the Late Precontact Era (ca. 1100 A.D. to mid-1700s) these Alutiiq societies shared cultural traits including language, house styles, and material culture with their relatives and neighbors on Kodiak Island. Until recently, few data were available regarding potential variability in house construction techniques, or styles and functions of Alutiiq semi-subterranean houses of this era found on the Alaska Peninsula, This paper provides examples of a few known prehistoric and historic Alaska Peninsula and Kodiak Alutiiq houses and presents previously unreported data from archaeological tests at Marraatuq on the Central Alaska Peninsula, Taken together with Dumond's 1998-1999 field work at Leader Creek and archaeological research on Kodiak Island, the work provides further evidence that interregional interaction was strong during the Late Precontact Era. However, large population centers and ranked political hierarchies probably were not hallmarks of central Alaska Peninsula communities during the Late Precontact Era and historic times as they were on the Kodiak and Aleutian islands.

The Kachemak tradition was established by ca. 3000 B.P. in Kachemak Bay. Probably somewhat later a variant termed Riverine Kachemak, with a population adapted to salmon and terrestrial resources, appeared on the northern Kenai Peninsula. The Kachemak tradition people seem to have abandoned Kachemak Bay by ca. 1400 B.P. Seven of 12 available Kachemak tradition dates predate 1400 B.P. even at two sigma. Scattered younger dates are thus suspect outliers. The end of Riverine Kachemak tradition has been placed at ca. 1000 B.P., at which time the population was supposedly replaced by in-migrating groups ancestral to the Dena'ina Athapaskans. Close examination of the numerous available radiocarbon dates shows that most Riverine Kachemak dates cluster in the early centuries of the First Millennium A.D. and most Dena'ina dates substantially postdate 1000 A.D. Probably the Riverine Kachemak and Dena'ina peoples never met on the Kenai River. However, the correspondence in date ranges between Kachemak Bay and Riverine Kachemak is striking, suggesting their fates were linked. Both traditions collapsed by 1400-1500 B.P. The causes are probably multiple but do not include cultural replacement.

The existing corpus of data on radiocarbon dates for Holocene sites in Northeastern Siberia was used as proxy to reconstruct the chronology of human occupation of the region. The problem of reservoir age correction in the Bering Sea region complicated this task and this issue needs to be solved in order to obtain more reliable age determinations for coastal archaeological sites. Using a chronology built after excluding the questionable dates from the database, the major patterns of human population dynamics and their possible correlation with climatic fluctuations were examined. No direct relationship appears to exist between these two processes. Additional archaeological and paleo environmental work needs to be carried out in this region of the North.

Although small beings such as the "qupirruit" (insects and worms) appear in many different contexts in Inuit culture, they have not received much attention from scholars. In this paper we examine the symbolism associated with these small animals. We show that their small size makes them suitable to operate on the level of the "tarniq," a miniature image of a being. We discuss how insects often connect different scales and easily transform into other beings. We first deal with the perceptions of insects as they take shape in narratives and practices, and their roles in the manufacture and use of amulets. Then we move to a more specific analysis of the distinctive features of the various "qupirruit".

The Inuvialuit of the Canadian Western Arctic are no strangers to change. From the arrival of whalers ca. 1890, they underwent a century of monumental societal upheaval. Perhaps against the odds, they sustained many of their traditional socioeconomic activities and continued to follow a land-based lifestyle through much of the twentieth century. With a few notable exceptions, historical accounts of this period were written by cultural outsiders who conveyed their own perspectives on Inuvialuit culture. This paper focuses on the social memories of present-day Inuvialuit Elders who recount aspects of their lifeways throughout the twentieth century, including seasonal practices, traditional skills they maintained, and responses to the historical events that challenged their ways of living and spurred continuous change. These oral narratives form part of a larger history for succeeding generations, and a platform from which to construct contemporary identities and to negotiate a collective future.

Native Americans have long relied on the oral transmission of their ideas rather than developing an alphabet and a reliance on written records. While the use of pictures to communicate basic concepts is found throughout Alaska during the historic contact period, the development of an alphabet or pictorial text among Natives in Alaska is extremely limited with examples found only in the Kuskokwim Delta (ca. 1901) and Seward Peninsula (ca. 1914). The later appearance of a pictorial text on Nunivak Island (ca. 1940) is believed to have derived from the Seward Peninsula style. Each of these texts is believed to have originated from the influence of missionaries. This paper traces the appearance and development of a picture text among the Nuniwarmiut Eskimo on Nunivak Island and its current status in the Mekoryuk community.

Russia's indigenous peoples have been struggling with economic, environmental, and socio-cultural dislocation since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. In northern rural areas, the end of the Soviet Union most often meant the end of agro-industrial state farm operations that employed and fed surrounding rural populations. Most communities adapted to this loss by reinstating some form of pre-Soviet household-level food production based on hunting, fishing, and/or herding. However, mass media, globalization, and modernity challenge the intergenerational knowledge exchange that grounds subsistence practices. Parts of the circumpolar north have been relatively successful in valuing and integrating elder knowledge within their communities. This has not been the case in Russia. This article presents results of an elder knowledge project in northeast Siberia, Russia that shows how rural communities can both document and use elder knowledge to bolster local definitions of sustainability and, at the same time, initiate new modes of communication between village youth and elders.

Surplus production is a hallmark of Alaska's prehistoric coastal societies. Over the millennia, foragers procured greater quantities of resources with increasing efficiency, developing economies dependent upon storage and institutionalized exchange. In the central Gulf of Alaska, notable evidence of surplus production comes from the late phase of the Kachemak tradition. Since de Laguna's pioneering studies, archaeologists have noted that intensified fishing, storage, and exchange typify this tradition. However, few have investigated the roots of these behaviors. When, how, and why did foragers begin producing well beyond immediate needs? This paper explores archaeological evidence for surplus production in the Kodiak Archipelago, focusing on patterns in land use, technology, and exchange preserved in Ocean Bay II and Early Kachemak assemblages from the Chiniak Bay region. It suggests that surplus production for the purposes of seasonal food storage began in the Early Kachemak, and accelerated in the Late Kachemak as population levels climbed.

The provisioning and administration of social housing has been a continuous problem in the Canadian North since the 1960s, when the Canadian government began taking an active role in the welfare of Inuit. Some of these problems are quite basic and include high costs for construction and maintenance of units. An examination of the development and evolution of Canadian housing policy in the North demonstrates that changes to the administration of social housing programs and, since the mid-1980s, development of formal privatization schemes have steadily shifted housing costs onto local residents. These shifting costs, however, are borne unequally, with Inuit born and raised in the context of permanent communities (the Settlement Generation) facing the greatest burdens.

A review of literature and archival images reveals a distinctive method of double-walled house construction that predominated at the Beach site at Wales, Alaska, minimally from early contact through ca. 1930. Prior studies have suggested that this house construction form was a widespread convention during the contact period; however, this paper demonstrates that this was not the case. The only other occurrence of this house construction form was a kashim at St. Michael observed by Nelson in the late nineteenth century. The double-walled house represents a set of traits that form a fundamental aspect of the ethnic and group identity of the Kiatanamiut occupants of the Beach site. Recent excavations at Kurigitavik Mound have, however, uncovered remains of a house that is consistent with the double walled construction form. Full documentation of this house awaits the completion of an ongoing excavation and the new data will illuminate the relations between the Kashigitagmiut, Kiatanamiut, and Agianamiut in late prehistoric times.