This article discusses the conceptual underpinnings and performance of Han Chinese privilege in the People's Republic of China. It suggests that Han Chinese privilege has gained salience from specific public policies and philosophies of governance. This is aptly viewed across a range of sites, including the labour market and media, and involves state institutions and micro-level everyday interactions between the Han Chinese and the ethnic minority populations. Finally, the article theorizes why a robust Han Chinese privilege discourse has not emerged, and remains largely an unacknowledged concept.

Since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, the authorities of Serbia have undertaken a concerted effort to secure China's support in containing the coronavirus. This asymmetrical cooperation, apart from aspects concerning health security, has allowed both sides to obtain considerable political and economic benefits. This article examines how China and Serbia utilize pandemic cooperation to pursue and realize their wider foreign and internal policy goals through patron-client ties, as well as highlighting the pitfalls of this kind of relationship. Although the outbreak of the pandemic and the medical cooperation that followed do not constitute a turning point in the well-established relations between the two countries, the article argues that pandemic cooperation has considerably strengthened relations. In many ways, the pattern observed by the authors resembles China's pandemic exchanges with other countries, especially smaller states with authoritarian inclinations.

For some years now, there has been an increase in the number of Chinese students travelling abroad to pursue higher education. The outbreak of COVID-19 has created new challenges for international students around the world. Based on an analysis of online forums during the pandemic (January-July 2020), we focus on the challenges Chinese transnational students have been facing. From the state's point of view, being at the front of China's internationalization progress, the students are expected to have both a 'vision of globalization' () as well as a deep 'Chinese feeling' (). However, in practice during the pandemic, the students found it extremely difficult to achieve a balance between their multiple identities. In this article, we argue that discrepancies between the students' identities may be due to the pandemic having highlighted several existing conflicts that have so far received only meagre attention or were even overlooked.

This study examines the discursive practice of mourning and commenting by netizens on the final social media post made by Dr Li Wenliang, regarding it as a form of political participation and competitive discursive politics enacted in cyberspace. Discourse theory is applied to conduct discourse analysis on 4000 comments. We identified two strategies that netizens used to establish an alternative space for discourse. The first involved hidden protests expressed through multi-semantic mourning, avoiding suppression by indirectly challenging official authorities. Second, through engagement with microblogs, netizens applied personalized narratives to form a collective memory and a counter-memory space that departed from the official normative narrative. Discursive activities enacted by netizens stimulated the political agenda of resilient adjustment on the part of the authorities, leading the government to accept and incorporate public demands into policies through strategic rectification. These findings help to better understand the significant power of disorganized connective action that is reliant on affective citizens and the further development of regime resilience on the part of the Chinese political system in response to digital activities.