This article traces the various ways that "languages at risk" in the Yukon Territory, Canada, are imagined and managed across a range of "stakeholders." Predicated on a history of oppression and the management of risk in the U.S. and Canada, aboriginal language endangerment has arisen from insecurities about communicative diversity. Conversely language revitalization has arisen from insecurities about the loss of diversity. As this article demonstrates, ideologies of loss and the insecurities entailed therein resonate differently across different speakers, language activists, and institutions, resulting in different perceptions of loss, different experiences of risk, and different approaches to recovery. Moving from policy and the institutionalization of aboriginal languages to people's reflections and concerns about their own welfare, this article argues that insecurities about language are ultimately insecurities about other vulnerabilities, including the shifting political-moral terrain of the nation-state and First Nations.

An important aspect of Family Language Policy in bilingual families is parental language choice. Little is known about the continuity in parental language choice and the factors affecting it. This longitudinal study explores maternal language choice over time. Thirty-one bilingual mothers provided reports of what language(s) they spoke with their children. Mother-child interactions were videotaped when children were pre-verbal (5M), producing words in two languages (20M), and fluent speakers (53M). All children had heard two languages from birth in the home. Most mothers reported addressing children in the same single language. Observational data confirmed mothers' use of mainly a single language in interactions with their children, but also showed the occasional use of the other language in over half the sample when children were 20 months. Once children were 53 months mothers again used only the same language they reported speaking to children. These findings reveal a possible effect of children's overall level of language development and demonstrate the difficulty of adhering to a strict "one person, one language" policy. The fact that there was longitudinal continuity in the language most mothers mainly spoke with children provided children with cumulative language input learning opportunities.

This is the first large-scale study of resources as a form of - that is, a way of influencing children's language practices. We introduce the distinction between child-directed resources (i.e., those providing parents with opportunities to engage with their children in the languages they are transmitting) and parent-directed resources (i.e., those providing parents with information about multilingual child-rearing). This study focused on the awareness and use of, as well as the desire for, such resources among Québec-based parents (=819) raising infants/toddlers (0-4 years) with multiple languages in the home. Data were collected with a questionnaire. Quantitative data were analyzed statistically, and qualitative data were analyzed using a computer assisted discourse study. We compared parents transmitting at least one immigrant heritage language - usually in addition to English and/or French (HL parents), and parents transmitting only English and French (non-HL parents). Overall, the findings show that non-HL parents were comparatively satisfied with existing child- and parent-directed resources in English and French. By contrast, HL parents had a stronger desire for additional resources in their HLs. All parents desired multilingual resources. The paper discusses the theoretical and practical contributions of this study as well as directions for further research.